What will happen after election
But concern grows among them as their expected length of time for the outcome to be known extends a few days after the election or longer.
Both sides expect to win, although Biden voters more nervous about the Electoral College. Biden voters are expecting victory — at least in the popular vote. Methodology : The Economist survey was conducted by YouGov using a nationally representative sample of 1, registered voters interviewed online between October 31 - November 2, This sample was weighted according to gender, age, race, and education based on the American Community Survey, conducted by the US Bureau of the Census, as well as Presidential vote, registration status, geographic region, and news interest.
Members of the team will go into the federal agencies to get briefed on things like looming deadlines, budgets and which career staff do what. They will gather all that intelligence for the incoming staff and still make themselves available to help after inauguration. Some of them may stay on to serve. In , President Barack Obama met his successor Donald Trump and their Oval Office photos conveyed how little warmth there was - and remains - between them. Joe Biden has spent months putting together his transition team and raising cash to fund it.
But the General Services Administration, which is tasked with formally recognising the president-elect, and providing the funds and access to federal agencies that his team needs, has so far held off on acknowledging Mr Biden's victory.
Its administrator, Emily Murphy, a Trump appointee, said no "ascertainment" on an election winner had yet been made. The Biden team is reportedly preparing for legal action if the Trump administration continues to stall the handover. President-elect: When a candidate wins the election but has yet to be sworn in as the new president on 20 January, this is what they are called. Cabinet: Joe Biden will soon start announcing who he wants in his cabinet, which is the top team at the highest level of government.
It includes heads of all the key departments and agencies. Confirmation hearing: Many of the top government posts filled by the president require approval from the Senate. The people picked by Mr Biden are interviewed by Senate committees in a hearing, followed by a vote to approve or reject. These names are chosen by the candidate. The Trump campaign has promised lawsuits in several states where Mr Biden has won or is narrowly ahead. Mr Trump has alleged fraud but offered no evidence.
Efforts to throw out some postal votes would begin in state courts but could end up in the Supreme Court. It is hard to define, and it does not by itself guarantee success or preempt failure in office. It has not been the unique property of either party, and presidents of both have suffered from its deficiency. Representative Clyburn, though, reminded us that it still matters, and of what we have lost in its absence.
Who we choose to lead plays a part in defining us as a nation. It is not everything, but it is important. Why did it take until now for a woman to find herself here? Lawless addressed the issue in Marketwatch : "When there are women on the ballot on both sides of the aisle, they perform as well as men; they also raise as much money.
Finally, "Harris has the potential to change the face of U. They have greater success keeping their sponsored bills alive longer in the legislative process. When given an opportunity to speak about issues of their choosing during one-minute speeches, congresswomen in both parties are more likely than men to speak and to speak about women.
And women are more likely than men to participate in the social engagement activities and traditions that contribute to the social fabric of Congress, which help make the political arena a somewhat more civil, and somewhat less dysfunctional, place to work. Women, in other words, are good for the governing process.
On Friday, they named David Bossie to fill that job. For those who may not recall, Baker was called in by Republican nominee George W. Baker was by that time an elder statesman of the party, having honed his skills as White House chief of staff and secretary of the treasury under Ronald Reagan, and then secretary of state under his longtime friend George H. Baker adeptly succeeded. His full resume is surely available online, but, for those with long memories, his name will sound vaguely familiar.
One special focus was the unusual death of deputy White House counsel Vince Foster in , which had been ruled a suicide by law enforcement investigators—and eventually by two independent counsels, including a hard-to-convince Kenneth Starr. Bossie at the time worked for Illinois Congressman Dan Burton, who was a pioneer in the politics of science denial. Meanwhile, Bossie was dispatched to rake muck in Arkansas—and subsequently fired a live round into his own foot.
Except that the recordings had been doctored. Bossie deleted passages that directly and unequivocally affirmed Mrs. As Confederate monuments tumble this summer, we may be witnessing an attempt to form a new lost cause. They rely on the same tools that were used to promulgate Confederate myths: manipulating facts, claiming persecution, demonizing enemies and rewriting history.
In other words, Trump is laying the groundwork to claim moral victory in political defeat — and to deny the legitimacy of the Democratic administration that would displace him. The original Lost Cause will never be replicated.
It articulated a fully developed set of beliefs about slavery, honor and region, grounded in the experiences of a slaveholding republic. Trump and his followers do not have such a coherent ideology, nor do they enjoy the kind of geographical monopoly that the Confederates possessed.
But their arguments are animated by some of the same tactics that allowed the Lost Cause to thrive for more than years, which may help Trumpism, too, live on past its political moment.
If it succeeds in attracting adherents, they will be a minority. Nevertheless, a small but vocal set of defenders can still shape our politics and our society. Read more in the Washington Post. As noted yesterday, in the immediate aftermath of a national election, exit polls offer the best glimpse of what the electorate looked like—who voted for whom and what seemed to drive their choices.
Age: When it comes to age, the broad contours of the story look similar to At the end of the day, though, race tells us more than age. Notice that Trump won every age group among White voters and Biden outperformed Trump among Black and Latinx voters of all ages see Figure 1. Education, Gender, and the White Vote : As we noted yesterday, education—specifically, having a college degree — was closely related to vote choice in both and These differences, however, reflect an education gap only among white voters.
These differences are even more interesting when gender factors into the mix see Figure 2. That margin increases to 11 points for men with a college degree. The Marriage Gap: In recent elections, heterosexual married people often vote Republican; non-married people vote Democratic. And was no exception. These differences are even sharper when broken out by men and women separately see Figure 3. The gender gap, in other words, was basically non-existent among married voters, but was 8 points among non-married voters.
This is likely a result of the fact that non-married voters tend to be younger, less conservative, and less religiously observant than their married counterparts. Children: If marriage seems to have mattered in , what difference did having children make? Not much, as it turns out. About a third of the electorate reports having a child under the age of 18 who lives with them. Though it may come as a surprise to some, immigration does not rank as a top policy priority for the majority of Hispanic registered voters.
In fact, according to a recent Pew survey, it ranks eighth on a list of topics that include racial and ethnic inequality, climate change, SCOTUS appointments, and violent crime, among other campaign issues. And COVID is known to be disproportionately affecting Hispanics in terms of both the number of infections as well as virus-related layoffs.
These are clearly conflicting factors that will require further attention and analysis from both parties in order to reconcile. Read more in The Hill. The counting is almost done. But the process does not end there. Getting from Election Day to Inauguration Day can be an express train or a slow local train, with stops at a number of stations.
In the U. But getting to the Electoral College can go through the courts, starting with state courts and potentially going to the Supreme Court. Congress the one just elected, which will be sworn in in the new year also needs to certify the results.
No tokens or swipe cards needed. Is it time to talk transition? But now I would like to come back as the bond market. You can intimidate everybody. The response was benign, a big nuthin. Stock and bond prices rose. Gold prices rose too, perhaps on the anticipation of higher inflation. Oil fell. So far, so good. No intimidation here. The blue wave washed in—but so did a red wave.
The result was the highest voter turnout in years and what looks like a slim margin of victory for candidate Biden, a slim margin of control for the Republicans in the Senate, and a modest erosion of Democratic dominance in the House of Representatives. The mandate for the next regime looks weaker than investors anticipated, and looks likely to nix the prospect of huge tax increases, big boosts in fiscal spending, and rising regulation of the economy.
The consequence is a benign outlook for investors. If Biden is inaugurated, the financial markets will watch closely for expressions of his actual agenda. Or it may be too early to tell. If Biden is inaugurated, the financial markets will watch closely for expressions of his actual agenda, whom he appoints to key administrative positions, and how he uses the very potent instrument of presidential executive orders.
Maybe the intimidating bond market is just resting quietly in its cave, waiting for a bigger summons later on. And investors need a small reminder that for the past 12 years, the bond market has been shackled by the interventions of the Federal Reserve. Perhaps the intimidations of the bond market are a thing of the past. There is a reason, other than the fact that it is just much easier to do, that terrorists prefer to blow up buildings and people rather than resort to bioterrorism—even though bioterrorism might kill more people.
We, as humans, react far more strongly to the dramatic immediate threat of violence than we do to the effect of a virus. This explains why Covid has not played the same role in the election as the September 11 attack did throughout the early s. Many of us have become inured to the surging positive rate for Covid 19, and unless our own loved ones are affected, we have become seemingly indifferent to a climbing death rate. For many—perhaps most—people, voting is an emotional exercise rather than a rational exercise.
Only health care providers see the daily evidence of sick or dying people; the average person feels only the pain of restrictions and mask requirements. Covid certainly played a significant role in the election; it may have unseated an incumbent president.
But exit polls show that it was not the most important issue for many voters. The slow, relentless work of a virus may cause us terrible damage, but it fails to focus fully our voting preferences. It may not be fair, but he is likely to be held accountable in ways that Donald Trump has not been, at least as of now. The economic, health, and social effects will come home to roost. That may prove to be a daunting task because the election, perhaps irredeemably, politicized any coherent government policy for dealing with Covid Biden will have to build public trust where that trust has been seriously undermined for both Democrats and Republicans.
If a vaccine or vaccines becomes available in the spring, he will have to convince Americans to take it. He needs to persuade more Americans to wear masks. An FDA commissioner is rarely the first concern of an incoming president, but this year it might be. Biden might consider Scott Gottlieb, FDA commissioner in the first half of the Trump administration, to take that role again.
Gottlieb is well-respected on both sides of the aisle, politically savvy, and has the trust of physicians and scientists. They worried that their novel experiment in creating a democratic republic would fall prey to the inevitable extremes of human nature.
The entire Constitution is a Newtonian masterpiece of checks and balances and separated powers. The bad news is that all these protective speed bumps in the road to electoral votes are working as intended—slowing us down to an agonizing pace. By sprinkling sand in the election gears, the Founders hoped to preclude their worst fear—the selection of demagogues to represent us.
Half-truths [and] outright lies … may be used in attempts to dupe the voters. Typically, a demagogue may try to win support from one group by blaming another for its misfortunes. Sound familiar? And, like the spiking COVID virus numbers, his post-election tweets and East Room pronouncements are adding to his fabrication totals by the hour.
In contrast, Joe Biden is sounding positively Churchillian in his statesmanlike calls for unity. As president, Trump has withdrawn from multinational agreements like the Iran nuclear deal, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the Paris climate accords.
He started trade wars with China and Europe. He has disparaged U. And he has embraced authoritarians—both genuine and aspiring—who violate international norms and undermine democratic institutions.
The events of the past year created conditions that should have been highly favorable to this worldview. A global pandemic, originating in China, has killed nearly a quarter-million Americans.
International cooperation to contain the virus has splintered, leaving countries largely to fend for themselves. Meanwhile, the U. Public opinion surveys for years have shown that large majorities of Americans believe that alliances, international trade, and active engagement in world affairs are good for the United States.
And on Tuesday, several million more Americans voted for a candidate who advocated strengthening U. It would be easy to conclude that foreign policy did not play a major role in the presidential campaign.
After all, the Syrian civil war, nuclear arms control, and other international issues did not receive much explicit attention in the debates. Voters instead reported that the economy and the pandemic were their primary concerns. But these issues are intimately connected to international affairs. And in a year that has highlighted the downsides of globalization, it is striking that the majority of voters decided that the best solution to these problems was not to wall the country off and turn inward.
America remains deeply divided. Closely contested races. A slight rightward move in the House. A slight leftward move in the Senate. If current election trends continue, will feature President Biden overseeing a Democratic House and Republican Senate.
In some ways, continued divided government is fitting. But will they? Or will they dig in on their partisan divisions, which will contribute to gridlock, and ultimately provide the president with incentives to act unilaterally? At an individual level, lawmakers are presented with mixed signals. On the one hand, our research shows that bipartisan lawmakers are more effective. Their work building cross-party coalitions pays off in their bills being more likely to become law.
On the other hand, those who compromise too much may face tough primary battles. And party leaders often prefer to keep policy issues unresolved for electoral purposes, rather than working with the other party to formulate solutions.
This figure shows the fraction of cross-party cosponsors for bills that are proposed by the average member of Congress. The higher level of bipartisanship in the Senate seems entirely reasonable, given the need to overcome filibusters.
But for Senator Biden, bipartisanship on his sponsored bills remained high, above both House and Senate averages. This suggests that he consistently made an effort to reach out to members of the opposing party as he sought to advance his legislative agenda. If Biden does, indeed, prevail, only time will tell whether the newly elected president can bring Democrats and Republicans together in the current political environment.
But the data suggest that he certainly tried to do so on his proposals when he served in the Senate. In the immediate aftermath of a national election or as of this moment, the not-yet-aftermath , exit polls offer the best glimpse of what the electorate looked like—who voted for whom and what seemed to drive their choices. Traditionally, the exit polls have been a collaborative effort of a consortium of major media organizations, involving interviews with a representative sample of thousands of voters as they leave polling places across the nation.
In this election, concerns about the pandemic helped drive an unprecedented number of Americans to vote early or by mail. By November 3, more than million Americans had already voted. Notice that the gap closed not because of women, but because men supported Biden at higher rates than they did Clinton. The gap varied by race and ethnicity, though. Those numbers, if anything, represent a small uptick in partisan loyalty from Although Black, Latino, and Asian voters went disproportionately for Joe Biden, Trump chipped away at Democratic support among all three groups.
Education : Just as in , we saw a pronounced education gap in vote choice. College education, however, only really mattered for white voters. Health care, for many Americans, is local, not federal; that seems to be a lesson we can learn from the election results in North Carolina. Over the last two decades, due to focused and well-funded Republican efforts on redistricting, the North Carolina State House grew increasingly conservative.
One result of this is that North Carolina has not endorsed Medicaid expansion, even as most other states have done so. But Medicaid expansion was an important election issue in North Carolina this year, and it seems to have helped drive a comfortable reelection victory for the Democratic governor, Roy Cooper.
Cooper enjoyed large margins even as the federal Senate and presidential races seem to have tilted slightly Republican. One way we might explain this is that Medicaid expansion, which has significant state control, does not seem like a federal power grab and appears immune from efforts to tar federal health reform as socialized medicine.
If Democrats win the White House, they would do well to look at the lessons from North Carolina as they seek to shore up the ACA and explore other opportunities for health reform. Few spoke as authoritatively on the right to vote as the civil rights leader and congressman John Lewis, who died last July Lewis was arrested many times in nonviolent protests and subjected to a near-fatal beating by Alabama State Troopers in Selma on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in C, in its own way a shrine to democracy.
You must use it because it is not guaranteed. You can lose it. In October, the state of Michigan brought felony charges against two Republican operatives for robocalls targeting Detroiters with false information about mail-in voting.
Shortly before the election, residents of Flint received robocalls aimed at deterring voters. As the world awaits the outcome of the election in Georgia, African Americans mindful of the sacrifices of Lewis and untold others are insisting on exerting that nonviolent tool of social change and ensuring the survival of our democratic society.
As a voting machine, the market identifies the relative popularity of individual stocks. As a weighing machine, the market ultimately discerns the value of the companies behind those stocks. A political regime shift, as seems to be emerging from the election results of November 3, tends to realign the popularity of individual stocks.
And the broad market movements give some measure of the popularity of equities in general. Three trends are worth attention at this point:. Volatility is way down.
The following graph shows the VIX index, a measure of the expected risk of stocks. Volatility rose in anticipation of the election. And it has fallen as the election results have emerged. The measure of volatility suggests that investors are taking a deep breath, and sitting back a bit. The market is up. Plainly, prices are heading up. But academic research on the outcomes of presidential elections finds that the election of Democrats into the White House tends to be associated with rising stock prices.
Here is one example: Google, which rose a stunning 6 percent yesterday. This followed an episode of worries about the tech sector, attributable to the growing regulatory sentiments on Capitol Hill toward the tech sector. As the electoral results continue to stream in, look for a generally declining trend in market volatility, and pay attention to the direction of asset price changes in the financial markets.
Are all politics local? While there is much focus on the national election results—who has won the presidency, the future of the Senate, the smaller Democratic majority in the House—voters also made choices involving state, city, and county leaders and considered numerous ballot measures at both the state and local level.
Although there were fewer ballot measures this year than in , that does not diminish their significance in showing local democracy at work. Overall, the results were mixed. California voters decided not to permit affirmative action nor to treat gig drivers such as those for Uber as employees, although Proposition 22 does provide a wage floor along with some limited benefits.
California voters did, by contrast, approve a measure allowing felons who were on parole to vote. While a Louisiana anti-abortion ballot measure to amend the state constitution Amendment 1 was adopted, Colorado voters rejected a measure that would have banned abortions after 22 weeks of gestation, dramatically showing the split in states about abortion access and the patchwork of abortion regulation that might result if Roe is overturned.
Five states legalized some form of marijuana use, joining 11 other states and the District of Columbia, and Oregon decriminalized possession of small amounts of other drugs, including cocaine and heroin. Other local measures, for example , concerned property taxes.
The takeaway is that these ballot measures show how national political divisions play out between states. The geographic sort has redefined the red-blue divide. Remember the electoral map, the result of the Bush-Gore clash that set the U. That map, which led to the popularization of the red-blue partisan coding itself, famously featured a solid swath of red through the old Confederacy and most of the Goldwaterite Mountain West with the exception of New Mexico.
Democrats have won large majorities in metro areas such as Atlanta, Phoenix, Charlotte, and Raleigh-Durham. Republicans under Donald Trump have maintained or in some cases increased their already large majorities in rural areas.
In South Carolina, Jaime Harrison used the formula of black voters plus educated white professionals to stage a credible if ultimately unsuccessful challenge to Lindsey Graham. Ohio and Texas represent cases where the sort is increasingly prominent as well, but where Republican rural strength remains dominant over the metros, at least for now.
After its first excursion into the elections arena, the party placed third in the province, pushing aside the Greens in voting totals, even though the Buffaloes contested far fewer ridings 17 vs. The focus of the world and most certainly its northern neighbour in the coming days will be the United States of America. Hopes and concerns about how Americans respond to the results of their national election has us all on edge. World Canada Local. Roy Green: What will happen in the U.
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